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Caribbean chaos – Matters on Barbados – Maurice Thomson as trader – Seeds of Cromwell’s Western Design – Appearance of Prince Rupert – Notes various on Noell and Povey – Convict transportation – After the Western Design – Colonial consolidations – Slavery and rise of the English Whigs – Endnotes on Godschall
Matters on Barbados:
The second Earl of Warwick was outspoken against Charles I’s ship money tax, and would become Parliamentary lord high admiral by 1643. By 1642-1643, London-based merchants had part-control of the navy. Shortly, privateers operated as naval forces. This revamped navy helped win the civil war. One man benefiting personally from this, (Andrews writes), was “that ubiquitous entrepreneur”, Maurice Thomson, who had a brother Robert, a commissioner of the Cromwellian or parliamentary navy.
Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, pp. 195ff.
Maurice’s sister Mary married William Tucker of the American trade, while sister Dinah married Elias Roberts of the American trade. George Thomson, later linked with the Kent Island project (Maryland, North America), by 1635 was also involved in the founding of the colony on Montserrat and in the tobacco and provisioning trade, probably in partnership with Anthony Briskett.
Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, p. 195, p. 328. Brenner, p. 195 also conveys that William Thomson married Elizabeth Warner, daughter of Samuel Warner, a link then with the broader family of Thomas Warner of Barbados.
Between 1640-1660 the Barbados planters switched from tobacco and cotton to sugar, and from using white servants’ labour to black slaves. To the 1640s, the Barbadians had been a simple group of peasant farmers on the first port of call for Caribbean-bound ships. The most populous and most successful of islands, it was never invaded by the French or Spanish.
Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, p. 18, p. 59.
By 1639 the members of the later Barbados elite included Allyn, Bulkley, the Codringtons (who became immensely wealthy). And James Drax, a militia captain with an Anglo-Dutch background, who made “the first-ever sugar fortune”.
(This Sir James Drax does not appear to be of the family listed in Burke’s Landed Gentry for Sawbridge-Erle-Drax.
Lillian M. Penson, The Colonial Agents of the British West Indies: A Study in Colonial Administration mainly in the Eighteenth Century. [Orig. 1924] London, Frank Cass and Co., reprint 1971., p. 17. He was linked politically with Sir Thomas Modyford of Barbados and Jamaica. See also, Vincent T. Harlow, Christopher Codrington, 1668-1710. London, Hurst and Co., 1928 (?) This Christopher Codrington III married a Miss Drax, parents unknown. Burke’s Landed Gentry for Sawbridge-Erle-Drax. One Sir James Drax was a backer of Modyford on Jamaica by 1660. Davies, Royal Africa Company, index.
News in July 2006: The history websites on this domain now have a companion website, and an updating website as well, on a new domain, at Merchant Networks Project, produced by Dan Byrnes and Ken Cozens (of London).
This new website (it is hoped) will become a major exercise in economic and maritime history, with much attention to London/British Empire and some attention to Sydney, Australia.
Drax brought from Holland a model of a sugar mill – an instance of technological transfer supportive of Mintz�s view on revising views on the origins of modern capitalism, seen as originating in the Caribbean. By 1680 Drax was said to ship home �5000 worth of sugar. Other notable Barbados names were Frere, Huy, Hothersall, Pears, Yeamans. Dunn notes, many of these names had commercial backgrounds in London. Later came names such as Gibbs, Fortescue, Sandiford, Read, Hothersall and Berringer. From about 1640, Barbados names included Edward Cranfield and Edward Shelly, Capt. George Martin.
Penson, Colonial Agents, p. 17. See Ligon’s map of Barbados. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, p. 49, Note 10, p. 50, pp. 55- 58, p. 190.
Capital and technology told, and on Barbados, the original “peasants” were done for. Dunn lists the newcomers who renovated the Barbados economy, including: John Colleton, Samuel Farmer, Thomas Kendall, Peter Leare, Thomas Modyford, Daniel Searle, Constantine Silvester, George Stanfast, Timothy Thornhill, Humphrey Walrond, Francis Lord Willoughby. Here, some names were those of agents, some names had links to Dutch merchants, some were eager to harvest sugar business. Some, as Dunn puts it, were the younger sons of English gentry who had fought in the civil wars and now wanted, or rather needed, fresh endeavour. A “Barbados aristocracy” would arise.
Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, p. 115 on planters Colleton. On the Beckfords, see Richard Pares, Merchants and Planters. Cambridge at the University Press, Published for the Economic History Review, 1960.
Maurice Thomson as trader:
The argument here has so far concerned juxtaposing information on the careers of the second Earl of Warwick, Maurice Thomson and Courteens. Some tantalising linkages are seen with Thomson and Courteen. Associated with this, the argument has been involved with presenting matters of long-term conflict in the Caribbean between the allies of the Earls of Carlisle, versus Courteens, where matters are greatly complicated by the activities of men who had fought on either side of the Cromwellian civil wars.
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In late 1644, acting on a mistaken belief that Carlisle had sold his Caribee patent to the Earl of Warwick, Charles I “gave” the islands to the Earl of Marlborough. Marlborough had earlier been inclined to intervene with parliamentary shipping. By 1647 the Earl of Carlisle had leased his Caribee proprietary to Francis Lord Willoughby, a Presbyterian-turned-royalist who felt that the Spaniards would continue to trade in slaves. In 1650, Barbados turned royalist, as influenced by new migrants such as Humphrey and Edward Walrond.
Bliss, Revolution and Empire, p. 77, p. 86, p. 142. Also, A. P. Newton, The European Nations In the West Indies, variously.
London was watching Barbados keenly, and it is perhaps too-little appreciated that by 1650, London�s merchant adventurers were skilfully spreading their portfolio wings in wider patterns. Olson regards Maurice Thomson as a notable colonial merchant about 1650, or maybe later, active in the Canadian fur trade. Thomson sent provisions to New England and was recommended by a governor of Virginia as one of three merchants in respect of a monopoly on tobacco crops. Thomson was also an interloper in East India Company trade and by 1649 he was also one of the Guinea Company, English slavers on the African West Coast. Another prominent merchant was Owen Rowe, active in the Virginia trade, leader and merchant backer of Massachusetts Bay, a deputy governor of the Bermuda Company – and related by marriage to the Earl of Warwick.
Olson, Making the Empire Work, p. 15.
Note: 1650: From a Map of Barbados we find, circa 1650 at the beginning of a sugar boom, various names of property holders in no particular order, for either the Leeward or non-Leeward areas of Barbados, names such as: Stevens, Lee, Cole, Turner, Nolland, Mathews, Arnold, Bryce, Lewes, Ellis, Sayers, Chapman, Leonard, Lee, Lyd(e), Bowyer, Edward(s), Hetherolls, Alven, Newman, Royles, Smyth, Knott (a place, not a person’s name?), Lacy, Southall, Trott, Battyn, Drax, Allen, Brome/Browne?, Milliard/Mulliard?, Royle(s), Buckley, Browne, Battyn, Allen, Marshall, Stringer.
Similarly on Barbados (on or near Leeward coast areas) were names such as: Laurence, Cater, Patrick, Mac? Terill, Ogle, Dutton, Wolfe, Bybjon, Powell, Walker, Slovens, Terill, Ogle, Curtis, Watters, Flutter/Fludyer?, Scriven, Yates, Brown, Sussex, Bushall, Steven, Weeks, Cook, Streton, Browne, Duke, Earl, Small, Gray, Hanniforth, Sandifords, Boston, Webb, Ware, Wright, Smyth, Walker, many illegibles, Powell, Russell, Marshall, Pearce, Smith, Holland, Woodhouse, Ball, Browne, Mutton, Watts, Cornelius, Read, Bix, Bowyer, Coverly, Andrews, Jurymen, Fyde, Morgan, Howard, Martin, Bally, Cox, Wincott, Lambert, Ashton, Eyers, Read, Buckley, Holdip (sic), Fisher, Perkins, Moris, Moss, Sanders, Nedham, Webb, Birch, Jones, Exeter, Wafer (a friend of William Dampier), Hamond, Kitteridge, Hilliard, Taylors, Allen, Fryer, Royle, Baldwin, Byrch, Rose, Scrivener, Wetherell, Webb, Tommson (sic), Battyn, Knott, Trott, Webb.
See Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, p. 63.
The seeds of Cromwell’s Western Design:
A genealogist, Coldham, has many anecdotes on transportation to Barbados. On 16 June, 1647 the ship Achilles (Mr. Thomas Crowder) embarked many Bridewell women for Barbados, where there were three classes of men; masters, servants and slaves. Customs were, slaves were treated better than servants. By 1655, ship managers were sending as many convict-fodder people as possible.
Peter Wilson Coldham, Emigrants in Chains. Phoenix Hill, Far Thrupp, Stroud, Gloucestershire, Allan Sutton, 1992., pp. 115-116.
By 1645, Barbadians imported 1000 Negro slaves. Between 1710 and 1810, 250,000 slaves were landed in Barbados alone of Britain’s “sugar islands”. So the English sailor-pirate waxed increasingly fat on servile labour.
James Walvin, Black Ivory: A History of British Slavery. London, Harper Collins, 1992., pp. 7ff. Walvin p. 70 treats Codrington on Barbados. Walvin also, p. 342, cites Richard Ligon, A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbados. London, 1673., a standard account for early Barbados much cited by historians. Reprinted, London, 1970. See Peter Linebaugh, The London Hanged: Crime and Civil Society in the Eighteenth Century. London, Penguin Press, 1991., pp. 52ff on the origins of the English slave code used on Barbados and Jamaica.
In 1647, evidently unsatisfied with other supply lines, the Barbados settlers Thomas Modyford and Richard Ligon had gone out themselves looking for Negroes, horses and cattle. (In 1657, Richard Ligon produced a first map of Barbados). Their ship went to Africa. That is, they were bartering for their own slaves.
Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, p. 29, p. 69, p. 231.
1657: Governor Edward D’Oyley, Jamaica, in 1657 invited English buccaneers to Tortuga to transfer their headquarters to Jamaica. By the mid-1660s, a freebooting fleet manned by 1500 men operated from the new town of Port Royal, which, as a mark of the decadence of the purposes preoccupying its residents, had no fresh water supply.
Penson, Colonial Agents, p. 24.
Sir James Modyford (died 13 January 1675 at St. Andrews, Jamaica). Lt-Gov of Jamaica, was married to Elizabeth Slanning, sole heir of Sir Nicholas Slanning, Knight, of Maristow in Devon; they had four daughters. Modyford, who had been a celebrated cavalier commander in the civil war, by about 1655 was licenced to take circuit-convicted felons and those from the Old Bailey, who were to be reprieved to transportation to Jamaica. His estate went to a daughter, Grace, who married Peter Heywood; then to their grandson and heir, James Modyford Heywood, who died in 1798. [It is not impossible this Heywood was an early member of the family line of Peter Heywood, the Bounty mutineer]. Modyford brought settlers from Barbados to Jamaica after the success of Cromwell’s Western Design (from 1654). His influence as a leader on Jamaica was significant and he therefore influenced some merchant activity.
As a seeming mere detail in a scheme to be envisaged, by 1654, James Drax on Barbados had shares in two slave ships. By 1651 the English Navigation Acts had been designed to tie sugar planters to English ships, English merchants and the home market, which might re-export sugar. The revolutionising impact of commodity sugar was growing in power and financial authority, patterns were building and rebuilding.
Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, p. 20.
Between 1647-1656 appeared Povey, a man destined to have great influence on the Caribbean. Povey was a member of the 1647 Long Parliament, an intimate friend of Martin Noell, and, finally, another West India magnate. His Letterbook exists; he described the knighting of Col. James Drax at the instigation of Noell. Noell survived the “holocaust” of the Restoration, Fraser notes, and was knighted by Charles II; but he seems to have died bankrupt.
On Povey and Noel: Bliss, Revolution and Empire, p. 67. Fraser, Cromwell, p. 534. Newton, Colonising Puritans, p. 325. Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, variously. Davies, Royal Africa Company, variously. Burke’s Extinct Baronetcies for Bond of Peckham, p. 70. Penson, Colonial Agents, sees Povey as a Carlisle place-man. Povey, who was friends with Maurice Thomson, had a brother Richard on Jamaica and another brother William on Barbados. Noel (Noell) and other merchants are also noted in Shafaat Ahmad Khan, The East India Trade in the Seventeenth Century, a book which also has a lengthy treatment on William Courteen and a novel theory on the origins of Mercantilism. Fraser, Cromwell, p. 534.
In the 1650s, some of Cromwell’s final lists of English grievances stretched back to 1603 as he tried to “theologize” (rationalize?) his motives for a Caribbean expedition, which of course was a pro-Puritan, anti-Spanish and a morally-doomed exercise – his Western Design. Here, during 1654-1656, Cromwell’s philosophy was split by a dichotomy – he wanted to settle Jamaica with the godly, using less-than-godly means. Is not such na�vet� appalling? A view arose – sinners may as well be exported (one of the long-term rationalisations for convict transportation from England).
In 1654 – August: A committee including sea captains and merchants was created to oversee the Cromwellian Western Design. Samuel Desborough was in overall control. Plans went undetailed. It was complained that many soldiers turned out thieves, cheats and cutpurses. The men were Newgate types. Mrs Venables, wife of the general, assessed the situation admirably when she wondered if God’s work could be done by the devil’s instruments? It was a wicked army, more so for having no arms or provisions. Arrangements for paying the men seemed to be absent. Much of this was Desborough’s fault, he was in part responsible for lack of provisions and proper arrangements. The men were not drilled due to haste. Not enough food was shipped, officers and men remained separated, so troop morale fell.
As another historian has it – 1654: Cromwell drew his “Western Design”, a typical English piratical expedition into the Caribbean undertaken with blistering (and also self-punishing) self-righteousness. By mid-1654 Cromwell wanted to break the Spanish monopoly in the West Indies and Central America, rationalising this as “enlarging the boundaries of Christ’s kingdom”. But the enterprise was mismanaged, botched, ill-supplied. An attack on Hispaniola failed, and although a small colony was started on Jamaica it faltered.
John Gillingham, Cromwell: Portrait of a Soldier. London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1976., p. 135.
It perhaps speaks for the involvement of English names already known in the Caribbean that Colonel Holdip had a regiment. Many more names could be mentioned. Cromwell also made friends with the now-retired earl of Bridgewater, brother-in-law of the first financier of Barbados, Sir William Courteen. This earl’s father had taken on the Courteen debts after Courteen Senior had bankrupted, apparently after unfortunate speculation with the Dutch East India Company. The matter is not explained, but Cromwell tried to smooth things over for, or with, Bridgewater’s estates.
Fraser, Cromwell, p. 491. On Capt. Henry Powell and the Courteen bankruptcy, some details are given in Andrews, Ships, Money and Politics, pp. 41ff. On Courteens generally: Andrews, Ships, Money and Politics, pp. 50ff, pp. 200-201.
During the Western Design period, one commissioner of Jamaica was Major Sedgewick, who wrote back to Thurloe, the brother-in-law of Noell, friend of the lawyer-merchant Thomas Povey.
Penson, Colonial Agents, pp. 10-13; Fraser, Cromwell, p. 533. He may have been the Povey named as secretary for Jamaica mentioned in Frederick G. Spurling, Early West India Government: showing the progress of Government in Barbados, Jamaica and the Leeward Islands, 1660-1783. Palmerston, North New Zealand, self published, nd.
In 1656, The governor of Antigua was Colonel Christopher Keynell. In 1656, a list of planter names now on Jamaica or Barbados, and/or their backers, includes: the Earl Carlisle, James earl Marlborough an early grantee, Lord Willoughby. By 1658 Sir James Modyford (formerly in Charles’ army) led anti-Carlisle Barbados factions. Modyford’s ally was Peter Watson. (Penson, Colonial Agents, p. 15). Colonel Colleton (of a family early on Barbados) was a relative of Modyford suspended by a Barbados governor Daniel Searle (It remains uncertain who were Courteen supporters here? Courteen had a vigourous now). Power would go to General Monk when Cromwell died. Monk relatives included Modyford and Colleton, plus friends Peter Watson, Sir James Drax, Thos. Kendall, Jonathan Andrews, Tobias Frere, Edward Walrond. By 1759. Col. James Russell was governor of Nevis. Povey and Noell were both part of the Willoughby faction. Interested and anti-Willoughby was Kendall. The royalist factions won some battles and Willoughby appointed Humphrey Walrond. One Capt. Lynch by 1673 became governor of Jamaica, but he would be supplanted by Modyford. (A statesmen, Sir William Morice, was a kinsman of Monck). Penson, Colonial Agents, p. 18.
In history, a failure to name names has caused enigmas to rise where few should exist by now. Between 1655 -1660, some of the most influential elements in the West India interest were merchants (whom Penson for example does not name) whose rise to power had been mainly due to the share they took in Cromwell’s western expedition of 1655.
Penson, Colonial Agents, p. 45.
Where possible, merchants were forming links across colonies, chaining business – one problem being that some were also civil-servants-of-a-kind, and they often had inside knowledge of the ways government might affect colonial developments and politics. (Today, many of their operations of course would be regarded as conflicts of interest, their actions smacking of insider trading.)
At the end of the Roundhead-Cavalier civil war, both sides contributed settlers to Barbados and these men began to contest for control of the island. There were plots counterplots, armed uprising, fines and banishments involving some 115 identifiable colonists, only 55 of whom had been on Barbados before 1640. Conflict reached its climax in 1651, the year the English navigation acts designed to tie sugar planters to English ships were being ventilated.
Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, p. 20.
On Barbados, the Cavaliers ousted the Roundheads. A fleet had been sent from England, however, under parliamentarian Sir George Ayscue, to obtain obedience. Ayscue found he could blockade, but not invade and subdue the royalists on land. Some accord was reached in January 1652, conditions were set, and the island accepted a parliamentary governor, Daniel Searle. Most settlers then went back to making sugar.
Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, p. 79.
The appearance of Prince Rupert:
Then the royalist English sailor-pirate visited Africa, semi-officially. Evidently following up on Crispe’s actions in the Gambia area, in 1652, Prince Rupert visited the Gambia. It was through his keenness that so many members of the royal family and court later became interested in the Africa trade.
Davies, Royal Africa Company, p. 41.
Some Barbados grants being made were “very generous”; Governor Hawley had no arable land left after ten years. One grant went to Edward Oistin (a fishing village remains on Barbados named Oistin). William Hilliard later sold a half share of an estate to Thomas Modyford for �7000. (Many grants of 30-50 acres went to the poorer folk).
Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, pp. 49ff, p. 81.
Modyford, the son of a mayor of Exeter, was a kinsman of the Duke of Albemarle. Modyford had landed on Barbados as a young man in 1647 with money and connections after losing the fight in the civil war. He could pay �1000 down and pay �6000 in the next three years, operating with his brother-in-law, the London merchant Thomas Kendall. Modyford soon attempted to dominate island politics.
( Modyford in 1660 negotiated with the Commonwealth to be appointed as governor of Barbados, but as he took office, Charles II was restored, so Modyford reverted to royalism, only to later lose his governorship of Barbados.)
England captured Jamaica in 1655. Fraser in her book on Cromwell reports that in 1655, after England acquired Jamaica, reports flooded back to England of suffering on the island, following efforts to encourage emigration to Jamaica. In other areas� As an innovation in the transportation of sinners, by about 1655 a licence was granted to Sir James Modyford to take all felons convicted on circuits and at the Old Bailey, then reprieved, to Jamaica. Thus, one of the major figures in the development of English slave-holding in the Caribbean also helped to formalise convict transportation! Wilfrid Oldham, Britain’s Convicts to the Colonies. Sydney, Library of Australian History, 1990., p. 5. For records on how servants were recruited in London for America from 1750 see William Eddis, Letters from America. Edited by Aubrey C. Land. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1969.
As well, (1655) during the Protectorate, pardons conditional on transportation appeared, with their use to be continued by succeeding rulers. Such pardons were later granted by the Crown on the recommendation of presiding justices and remained a part of the transportation system long after the loss of the American colonies, that is after 1776. Cromwell’s men in 1656 suggested that 1000 Irish boys and girls be rounded up to fill the empty island, but there is no evidence that this transportation actually occurred. In 1656 Cromwell ordered the Scottish government “to apprehend known idle, masterless robbers and vagabonds” to Jamaica. Cromwell also wanted to send Highlanders out, but he was warned they might incite the island to rebellion.
Cromwell did send 7000-8000 Scots from the 1651 Battle of Worcester to British plantations in the colonies. In 1656, Cromwell reinstituted transportation by ordering all counties to send in lists of those (who might be) recommended for transportation. So, Coldham writes, with this followed up by an Act of 1657, the Puritans established procedures which were hardly altered in principle till 1776 – at least as far as North America was concerned, regarding legislation. The Spanish king meanwhile was reportedly furious about the English “rape” of Jamaica.
Antonia Fraser, Cromwell: Our Chief of Men. London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973., p. 532. Eric Williams, From Columbus to Castro. pp. 101, 114. Coldham, Emigrants in Chains, p. 49-51.
1660: 9 July: Lord Willoughby was directed by the king to take up as governor of Barbados and other Caribbee islands, re his position as lessee of the Earl of Carlisle’s rights, whereupon interested persons in London protested, and in July and August 1660, one protestor was the son of the first settler of Barbados, Sir William Courteen. Kendall also protested. . They had to go to law, as the decision was for Willoughby.
Penson, Colonial Agents, pp. 26-27.
1660: 16 July: Authorities in London wanted the instatement of Modyford at Barbados. Modyford’s friends in London wanting this outcome were led by John Colleton and aided by favour of General Monk, both of them relatives of Modyford. The group of friends appears to have been Peter Watson, John Colleton, [Sir] James Drax, Thomas Kendall, Jonathan Andrews, Tobias Frere, Edward Walrond, all concerned re their tenures with “Lord Willoughby’s interests”. To 1671, all this group would dominate the actions of any agent for Barbados.
Penson, Colonial Agents, pp. 27-28.
1660: 30 August: Dispute over Barbados continued. A committee had backed a decision of the king, as some rival claimants appeared, the heir of the earl of Carlisle and the representative of an earlier grant, James, Earl of Marlborough, and so Kendall, Colleton et al had again to press their case for a royal government of Barbados.
1660: The Commissioners of Treasury included Sir Edward Hyde, George Monck later duke of Albemarle, Sir William Morice. England, now with two bases in the Caribbean – Jamaica and Barbados – wanted goods from the west, logwood for dyeing, from an area with no fixed government, in the Bay of Honduras and on the Mosquito Coast. By now, the Spanish held St. Eustatius as an entrepot. And from Barbados came General Christopher Codrington, born in Barbados and succeeding his father as governor there. Clark, The Later Stuarts, p. 325, p. 348.
1660: September: Seemingly resolving the Barbados dispute, Lord Willoughby with royal authorization designated Humphrey Walrond as president of the council on Barbados, Modyford demurred but gave in, though he then led the opposition on the island during 1661.
Penson, Colonial Agents, p. 31.
By 1660, “the most influential element in the West India interest” were the merchants (whom Penson does not name) whose rise to power had been mainly caused by the share they took in the Cromwell western expedition of 1655. Noell’s interest declined. Povey’s schemes disappeared with the decline of the Willoughby interest. But none of this is adequately explained.
Penson, Colonial Agents, p. 45.
1660: 28 November: Two members of the army on Jamaica were Capts Thomas Lynch (later the governor of Jamaica by 1673), and Epinetus (sic) Crosse (sic). With the Restoration, both had returned to London on their own concerns and regarding general business of the island as well.
Penson, Colonial Agents, p. 18.
By December 1660, in London, some members of the Council for Foreign Plantations included the secretary of state, others of the Privy Council, some experts, Lord Willoughby, Earl of Marlborough, some west Indian planters and merchants, Sir Peter Leare, Sir Andrew Riccard, Sir James Drax, Thomas Povey, John Colleton (relative of Modyford), Edward Walrond, Martin Noell, Thomas Kendall, Thomas Middleton, William Watts. All worked together for five years with the board. Povey seems to have been linked, evidence being some letters to Virginia and New England. He maybe wanted to become agent-all-round.
Penson, Colonial Agents, pp. 34-37.
Earlier, Povey had been more or less recommended by Willoughby to the governors of Montserrat and Nevis, Col. Osborne and Col. Russell respectively, on island concerns. By about 1663, Colonel Philip Froude was secretary of the Council for Foreign Plantations and he had the support of Modyford’s party, and Lord Bartlet and others, re the antagonist of the day, Povey.
By June 1661, Povey’s old friend William Watts commanded the government of St. Christopher, while Povey’s brother Richard was on Jamaica where the new governor was Lord Windsor. Povey’s pro-Willoughby influence abated from 1663 as the ruling party on Barbados remained anti-Willoughby. About 1664-1666, Povey was surveyor-general of the victualling dept.
Penson, Colonial Agents, pp. 35-38.
In June 1661, Jeremy Bonnel and Co. of London petitioned the King to have delivery of prisoners to transport to Jamaica on their ship Charity. Bureaucracy ruined those overtures, but more pardons were issued on conditions of transportation, whereupon the sheriffs of London complained of the costs of keeping reprieved prisoners. (But the City at this time could reimburse itself by selling its felons!).
Coldham, Emigrants in Chains, pp. 50-51.
Meantime, Noell’s interest in the Caribbean declined, and Povey’s schemes disappeared with the decline of the Willoughby interest, which was the interest of the Whig, Earl Carlisle. As a London merchant-lawyer, Thomas Povey by about 1664-1666 was surveyor-general of the Victualling Dept., and by then he had already been interested as a Carlisle place-man in deals concerning West Indian islands. Penson notes, Povey was a barrister of Gray’s Inn and a merchant with widespread interests, “well-known for exerting his influence”. His brother Richard was secretary and commissary general of provisions at Jamaica; another brother was William Povey, provost marshal at Barbados.
Penson, Colonial Agents, pp. 10-13.
William Povey, brother of Thomas, was active by about 1664. Charles Povey’s name is noted in respect of insurance in London; he was active by 1710. He was a wheeler-dealer, an inveterate entrepreneur, a dealer in property and newspapers. Povey founded the Sun Insurance Company. He probably had association with one Nicholas Barbon.
On Povey: Sources: P. G. M. Dickson, The Sun Insurance Office, 1710-1960. London, 1960. Clive Trebilcock, Phoenix Assurance and the development of British Insurance. Vol. 1, 1782-1870. London, Cambridge University Press, 1985., p. 7. There is much information on Poveys and others of that generation in Pares, Merchants and Planters. Arthur Percival Newton, The Colonising Activities of the English Puritans: the last phase of the Elizabethan struggle with Spain. New Edition. Port Washington, New York, 1966., p. p. 101, p. 325; Brenner on Maurice Thomson. Burke’s Extinct Baronetcies, p. 70 in the section for Bond of Peckham.
Agnes Strickland, Lives of the Queens of England from the Norman Conquest. Vol. 5. Bath, England, Cedric Chivers Ltd., 1972., notes that one Thomas Povey was Mayor of Bristol in 1612 as Anne (of Denmark) visited that city. Antonia Fraser, Cromwell: Our Chief of Men. London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973., p. 534; K. G. Davies, Royal African Company, index. Maurice Thomson, Noel and others are mentioned in Shafaat Ahmad Khan, The East India Trade in the Seventeenth Century, in its Political and Economic Aspects. New Delhi, S. Chand and Co., 1971?.
Coldham notes also, that James II “probably disposed” of over 800 pardoned felons, many merely “prisoners of conscience”, with less than half actually arriving in the West Indies. Till 1707, London officials had to play round robin to find which colonies found transported prisoners most acceptable, for which reasons, or not, for which excuses. After 1718, Virginia and Maryland took the brunt of the convict transportation situation, following new legislation of 1717-1718.
Eric Williams in his book so much concerned with slavery, From Columbus to Castro, suggests that for 1654-1685, it has been estimated, that 10,000 indentured servants sailed from Bristol alone to North America and the Caribbean.
We find from John D. Krugler, �Sir George Calvert’s Resignation as Secretary of State and the Founding of Maryland�, Maryland Historical Magazine, LXVIII, 1973., pp. 239-254.; p. 55 in an essay, James Horn, �Servant Emigration to the Chesapeake in the Seventeenth Century�, pp. 51ff of Tate and Ammerman’s anthology, the first ordnance passed by the British Parliament to prevent kidnapping was in 1645. Ten years later, Bristol passed its own legislation requiring all servants to be registered before transportation, hence the Bristol lists of indentured servants going out and in London, The Lord Mayor’s Waiting Books, at the Guildhall. Yet people continued to be spirited away.; Horn’s essay, p. 65, Note 42, mentions His Majesties charter to Lord Baltimore, translated into English, London, 1635. See Thad W. Tate and David L. Ammerman, (Eds.), The Chesapeake in the Seventeenth Century: Essays on Anglo-American Society. New York, Norton, 1979.
About half such white servants went to Virginia. Slave numbers racked up. Williams writes that in 1688 it was estimated that in Jamaica alone, the developing agricultural system required about 10,000 slaves annually. Between 1680 and 1688 the Royal Africa Company supplied 46,396 slaves to the West Indies, about 5155 annually; and at 300 slaves per ship, about 17 ships annually.
Eric Williams, From Columbus to Castro: The History of the Caribbean, 1492-1969. London, Andre Deutsch, 1970., pp. 98-101, p. 137.
“Besides the white indentured servants, convicts and malefactors provided a second source of white labour. If the existence of a contract gave a semblance of legality to the system of white indentured labour, convict labour was also surrounded with the aura of the law by the commutation of sentences involving death or imprisonment to transportation and servitude in the colonies for a term of years. The crime was extended to fit a punishment which contributed to the solution of the colonial labour problem, and a veritable system in this regard was developed in Bristol, where magistrates and judges were connected, directly or indirectly, (Williams writes), with the Caribbean sugar plantations.”
As regards convict transportation, God-botherer Cromwell, then, did much to institutionalise an incipient British attitude – a desire to transport unwanted people from the English island, that has been too-much attached to penal history solely, and been left aside from treatment of the psychology of English expansionism, which was so much prompted by Puritans. The desire to deport transgressors was to become wrapped increasingly in its own red tapes of custom and legislation.
In November 1664 the King told the sheriffs that Sir James Modyford would ship felons to his brother on Jamaica, Sir Thomas Modyford. In 1665, a similar licence was given to Thomas Bennet; and in 1668, Peter Pate was given an exclusive trade in disposing of Newgate convicts.
After the Western Design:
1661: Discussions ensued on the Carlisle patent respecting Barbados. Francis Lord Willoughby, (who had a brother William Lord Willoughby) referred to the actions of a group of planters and merchants in London who “resisted the imposition of proprietary government” for their own private ends. By 1667 these were thought to include Peter Colleton, Peter Leare, Mr. Ferdinando George [Gorges?]. These were all absentee planters continuing the work of Kendall and Colleton, working against the development of an agency by Povey. Penson, Colonial Agents, pp. 40-41.
1661: 29 March: Walrond on Barbados decided Kendall and Colleton were really working for the reinstatement of Modyford on Barbados. Willoughby sailed to Barbados by 1663 and found “considerable intrigues” there. Penson, Colonial Agents, pp. 32-33.
Item: 1661: A Scots Council of Trade had formed during the interregnum of 1661-1685. Scots merchants began trading to North America, despite English provisions against such activity.
Colonial consolidations :
Between 1640 and 1660 occurred a significant development in the administration and self-government of English colonies, which possibly bore on the inability of the colonies to provide sufficient education for the sons of original colonists. Associated would have been the debts which colonists had with mostly London merchants. During these 20 years, noted families in trade who had connections in government sent out sons whose descendants inherited, if they did not develop, the traditions and heritages of the burgeoning colonies. In the North American tobacco colonies appeared later-influential names such as Bland, Burwell, Byrd, Carter, Digges, Ludwell, Mason.
Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, p. 78, Note 62.
It is indicative of the commercial links between Britain and North America that the Virginian William Byrd II, (1674-1744) (who owned 4000 books), after his schooling had gone to Holland to learn mercantile matters. Later he was associated with merchants Perry and Lane of London, before studying law and being admitted to the Bar.
Ver Steeg, The Formative Years, p. 192, p. 103, p. 233.
William Byrd I In Virginia had 25,000 acres, his son William Byrd II had 175,000 acres. The links Americans had with English firms were often affectionate, productive of family relationships, but would be sundered by the American Revolution. By the 1650s some of the grandest planters on Jamaica were the Beckfords and the Prices, spectacular figures. The career of the Whig, Lord Mayor of London, and slave owner, William Beckford (1709-1770) is often noted; his grandson was the author resident at Fonthill, William Beckford (1760-1844).
However, the Lord Mayor Beckford’s genealogy is fretted by lack of the names of women. Less often-noted as connections of his broader family are: Thomas Howard, eighth Baron Howard of Effingham (171401763); William Courtenay twentieth Earl Devon (1777-1859); Charles Wood second Viscount Halifax; George Richard Lane Fox, first Baron Bingley; George Pitt-Rivers fourth Baron Rivers (1810-1866); Patrick Bowes-Lyon, thirteenth Earl Strathmore and Kinghorn.
A vague connection occurs between Jamaica and Australia, thus. One early Beckford marriage had been with Bathusa Herring, daughter of Colonel Julines Herring who would have been on Jamaica after 1700. The Colonel’s son Julines had a daughter Anna Maria who married John Lumley, seventh Earl Scarborough (1760-1835); who had a descendant Anna Maria Manners-Sutton (daughter of a governor of Victoria, Australia, John Henry Manners-Sutton). This Anna Maria married Melbourne merchant Charles Bright, whose firm was absorbed by a firm originally from Bristol, Antony Gibbs and Co. In the late eighteenth century, this Bristol family Gibbs was in West Indies trade, by the late nineteenth century it had become involved in Indian Ocean and Australasian trade.
On Charles Bright, see G. F. Whitwell, �Charles and Reginald Bright�, pp. 137-159 in R. T. Appleyard and C. B. Schedvin, (Eds),. Australian Financiers: Biographical Essays. South Melbourne, Macmillan, 1988.
In the 1640s and 1650s, some 200-300 planters on Barbados took charge of the sugar business, as much less tobacco was grown on Barbados. A full generation earlier than their counterparts on Jamaica and the Leewards, the Barbadians had managed the change to specialising in sugar, which meant specialising in using slaves.
On the Price family see Michael Craton and James Walvin, A Jamaican Plantation: The History of Worthy Park, 1670-1970. Toronto, 1970., as cited in Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, pp. 48-49.
The sugar colonies also developed some peculiarities in disease patterns. In the 1640s and again in the 1690s, thousands of Barbadians died from yellow fever, called Barbados distemper, or bleeding fever. The patient vomited and voided blood. One Caribbean ailment, called “dry bellyache”, seemed to be the result of drinking too much rum processed through lead pipes. Cromwell’s troops on Jamaica had died appallingly due to malaria, partly as their barracks were set near swamps. On Barbados were 20,000 settlers by 1645, 30,000 by 1650 – including many royalists. Later, during the puritan revolution in England, many wealthy middle-class Englishmen emigrated to Virginia, supporters of Charles I. For such emigrants, the death rate on ships or once ashore was painful – up to one in six. (This statistic places in perspective the usual death rate for trans-Atlantic convict ships of the Eighteenth Century – about one-in-seven.)
There followed for the Cromwellian Commonwealth, a period of Caribbean prosperity – but this ended with more interference from home during the Restoration, partly the result of the Navigation Acts which had been formulated in respect of Dutch success in the maritime carrying trades. The defence of shipping lanes became an obvious necessity. (In September 1706, a huge tobacco fleet left Virginia, to encounter heavy weather and French privateers. Some 30 ships with nearly �15,000 worth of tobacco were lost. The English market was anyway glutted and the result was a financial crisis for Virginia).
John M. Hemphill, Virginia and the English Commercial System, 1689-1733. London, Garland, 1985. [Facsimile of a 1964 Ph. D thesis, Princeton University.]., p. 27.
Slavery and the rise of the English Whigs:
Between 1660-1700, England’s dependence on profits from textile handling was transformed, new forces were taking up in the economy, especially in re-export trades, and about 30 per cent of goods handled came from the East or West Indies.
Mintz, Sweetness and Power, p. 63. E. Williams, From Columbus to Castro, p. 143.
Meanwhile, considering the history of slavery often brings an air of unreality to mind. Unreality, because too many historians seem so accepting of slavery as an institution, and disapprove of it so little, which is an inappropriate attitude for “civilized” people to adopt to a system of unrelieved evil. Unreality, because of the sheer scale of “the Atlantic trade triangle”. Unreality, because of the intensity of the continued violence and atrocity necessary to maintain slavery as an institution. Unreality because of the continued genealogical affront and shock given the bloodlines of particular African clans and tribes. Unreality because two religions, Islam and Christianity helped maintain slavery, and raised so little protest against it. Unreality because of the distortions of economic systems that were installed in “Capitalism”.
It is the distortions of economic outlook that I want to dwell on here. It is often suggested that “modern English capitalism” began with the Industrial Revolution, from the 1760s and 1770s; particularly with the spread of the new ideas promulgated by the Scottish philosopher and economist, Adam Smith. And this, only a decade or so before the English anti-slavery movement began to take effect. One problem with this view is that it gives almost a “new start” to capitalism in England, and incidentally allows one to avoid consideration of slavery. An alternative view exists, however, developed by Mintz, which fits facts better, a view that modern, “scientific” English/European capitalism began much earlier, on Caribbean sugar islands.
To reiterate… the “scientific” process in question was the crystallisation of sugar, a process which was strictly time-bound and conducted in specified physical conditions with specially-designed equipment. This process was staffed by skilled slaves, that is, ultra-cheap labour. The crystallisation process divided the overall process of manufacturing sugar from its agricultural aspects and enabled marketable product to be delivered into ships, then to warehouses, to retailers, to consumers. Ranged around the production and marketing of sugar was a giant system of slave gathering and management completely reliant on shipping, sophisticated use of capital, and partly dependent on sub-markets, such as the market for cowrie shells, which were often supplied from areas such as the Maldives, well east of Africa.
(From the English perspective, by the 1670s, the French had made a major thrust into eastern trade. By 1601 they had sent only two ships for the Maldives, Ceylon, Sumatra and other places, and overall, the Dutch discouraged the French. In 1642, Richelieu had let sailors try to sail to Madagascar, found a colony, and trade there. Fort Dauphin was built. French ships sailed to Arabian and Indian ports. Meantime, French adventurers were going overland, through Asia Minor and by sea, such as Jean Baptiste Tavernier.)
Between 1660-1700, England’s dependence on profits from textile handling was transformed; new developments were seen in the economy, especially in re-export trades, and about 30 per cent of goods handled came from the East or West Indies. By 1685, sugar beginning to be used with tea (used as early as 1658 at Sultaness Coffee House). Coffee and other beverages, tending to be served hot and sweetened, moved consumers away from the calorific values of ale and beers. Chocolate became more popular.
Mintz, Sweetness and Power, pp. 110-111.
There was “scarcely a manufacturing sector in England” which did not gain some business from connections with slavery, from the packaging of bulk food, to ironmongery, to weapons supply, to cotton handling, to the enjoyment of tea, sugar or tobacco. Slave shipping could be as easily regarded as a “nursery of seamen” as any other sector of English shipping, but this is not how maritime historians tend to view matters. Further, “Capitalism” was corrupted at its heart by ultra-violent reliance on ultra-cheap labour, while wars might be waged over resources, such as the islands or sea lanes which sugar production required. We still live today with this distortion of a rational and realistic view of input-output costs of production… the truer costs of using labour were apparently hidden from the analysis of “economists” by something as visibly widespread in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as slavery.
What is to be done with such an opinion? It becomes relatively simple. Name names, trace careers, examine family and business histories. It becomes clear in the history of English capitalism, that the history of the East India Company is not so free of the smell of slavery-tainted money, as historians suggest. The way money travelled in London made the City a major location for the re-handling of funds which had earlier been associated with some aspect of “slave business”, as can be seen in the careers of specific merchants or families who are conspicuous in the history of “Mercantilism”. East India Company capital was by no means sealed-off from connection with slavery.
We find that on the question of a role for London capital in the slave trade, Bristol entered the slave trade soon after 1700 and later took a lead in opposing the Royal Africa Company’s monopoly of 1713. Slavery was well established by 1700, and it is hardly likely that capital flows in the City of London knew nothing of money derived from business associated with slavery. So the question here becomes, is, did London capitalists invest in or promote Bristol-based slave business? If so, to what extent? This question is unanswerable if names are not named.
Davis, Rise of the English Shipping Industry, p.37.
Charles II had made attempts to get the Asiento, the contract for the supply of slaves to Spanish… which was not granted to Britain till the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713.
Between 1665-1670: Clark, Later Stuarts, p.328.
Endnote1: On the genealogy of “Godschalk”:
NB: Notes on the probable family background of Joas Godschalk, “a friend of Courteen” and also a connection of Maurice Thomson:
Godschalk, or Godschall, is a rare Huguenot name. Godschalls had first come to southern England about 1561.Their family trade was woolens or cloth. No family background can be found for this Joas, who was active about 1640.
Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, pp. 175ff, pp. 192ff.
Contributing information on the genealogy of the Godschall-Johnson family and others as descended from Sir Thomas Warner, governor of Antigua, or linked to other families, is found from the following sources:
Burke’s Peerage and Baronetage for Lucas-Tooth (of Kent) and for Payne-Galway. Burke’s Landed Gentry for Bonar of Kimmerghame; Eyre of St John’s Wood, Henderson formerly of Sedgwick Park; Thornton; Warner formerly of Framlingham. Information on the Tooth family is found in L. M. Mowle, A Genealogical History of Pioneer Families of Australia. Fifth edition. Sydney, Rigby, 1978; and in R. F. Holder, Bank of New South Wales: A History. Vol. 2, 1817-1850. Sydney, Angus and Robertson, 1970., pp. 37-373. ADB entries various on persons named Tooth. Other sources for Australian persons: Redcliffe. (Brisbane, Queensland), local municipal council, booklet, Redcliffe: 160 Years. Published, 1959. A. B. Paterson, Singer of the Bush. Works: 1885-1900. Sydney, Ure-Smith, 1991. Robert Darvall Barton (1843-1924), noted ADB, Vol. 5, entry for J. P. McCansh. DNB for Sir Philip Francis, possible author of The Junius Letters. A. P. Newton, European Nations, p. 243. On Antigua planter, Godschall Johnson (died 180) of London, an associates of J. J. Angerstein, husband of (1) Elizabeth Hedges and (2) Mary Francis, Close Roll, 25 Geo III, Part 10, No. 5. Godschall-Johnson sets of fiche being copies of Wills, etc., and other material held by family members in Sydney, Queensland, and in Armidale NSW. R. B. Sheridan, ‘Colonial Gentry of Antigua‘, pp. 346ff. On Godschall-Johnson family members emigrating to Canada: Roy St George Stubbs, Four Recorders of St Rupert’s Land. Canada, Pegus Publishers, nd?
James Godschall (resident in England by 1560-died 1636) son of John (Jan) Godschall (died August 1587 and of a church on Threadneedle Street) and Margaret Unknown, had property in Essex, some land about St Botolph without Bishopsgate (the later site of Bedlam Hospital and also near two theatres used by Shakespeare et al). It seems John son of Jan also once gave the crown “a large loan”.
Some descendants of John son of Jan had a house in the parish of St Mary Abchurch in an area once burnt in the Great Fire of London. A draper and Turkey Company merchant, John Godschall married to Bethia Charlton, had a son John (died 1725), a Turkey merchant of St Dunstan’s in the East. John Jnr. He went to Antioch, Turkey and Syria on family business, such as buying rugs, and had a nephew, William Mann Godschall. (William Mann Godschall, an antiquarian and FRS, in 1787 wrote A General Plan of Parochial and Provincial Police, which plan was unsuccessful.)
Joanna Innes, ‘The role of transportation in seventeenth and eighteenth century English penal practice‘, pp. 1-24, in Carl Bridge (Ed.), New Perspectives in Australian History. London, Sir Robert Menzies Centre for Australian Studies, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, 1990.
John Jnr. Son of Bethia Charlton had a brother, Nicholas (died 1748, also of St Dunstan’s In the East, also in the Turkey Company. Nicholas married in 1727 to Sarah Onley (died 1750, of an Essex family. (See Savile-Onley, Burke’s Landed Gentry. Sir Robert Godschall (died 1741), a wine merchant, a Portugal merchant, was son of the same Bethia Charlton and became a Lord Mayor of London by 1741.
Valerie Hope, Lord Mayor, p. 112.
Robert this Lord Mayor married Catherine Tryon, and Miss Lewin, a daughter of London Lord Mayor in 1717, Sir William Lewin. This Lord Mayor Robert of the Ironmongers Company seems also a Tory MP, a director of the Royal Exchange from 1729 till he died, and a brother-in-law of Sir John Barnard. Today, the Godschall-Johnsons have many family members in Australia and Canada, as two brothers split the family. One brother, Sir Francis Godschall-Johnson (1817-1894) became Chief Justice of Lower Canada; the other brother, Ralph Edward Godschall-Johnson, (1812)-1876) went to Australia where he became first clerk of the Queensland Parliament.
On Ralph Edward, son of Captain Godschall-Johnson and Lucy Bisshopp, see a booklet, Redcliffe [Brisbane] 160 Years, published by the Town Council of Redcliffe, 1959.
These two brothers were sons of a minor diplomat at Antwerp, Captain Godschall II Godschall-Johnson, 1780-1859 of Cavendish Square. It seems a genealogical accident that before 1779, Sir Cecil Bisshopp Bart7 (died 1779) had married Susanna Hedges (died 1791), daughter of an East India Company official, Charles Hedges of Finchley, Middlesex.
Sir William Hedges was governor of Bengal 1681-1684 and then Sheriff of London, 1693-1694. GEC, Peerage, Zouche, p. 954.
Charles Hedges had married Catherine Tate, daughter of Bartholomew Tate. This Bartholomew Tate happened to be one of the descendants of the Lords Zouche, a line which can be traced (although it had fallen into abeyance) earlier than Alan Zouche (died 1270) husband of Helen or Ellen De Quincy.
GEC, Peerage, Zouche, variously.
Sir Cecil Bisshopp Bart8 (1752-1828), became twelfth Lord Zouche. (He married Harriet Southwell (died 1839).)
Sir Cecil Bisshopp Bart8, twelfth Lord Zouche of Haryngworth, (died 1828). Namier-Brooke, The History of Parliament: House of Commons, 1754-1790. Vol. 1, p. 93, Vol. 2, p. 94, p. 125. GEC, Peerage, Zouche, p. 954. Lord12 Zouche had a daughter Lucy Bisshopp (died 1823) who married a Captain Godschall-Johnson in 1802. Sir Cecil Bisshopp Bart5 (died 1778) of Parham Park, Sussex was a superintendent of foundries for the Ordnance Dept. GEC, Peerage, Maynard, p. 603; Cardigan, p. 16; Dorset, p. 428.
In London by the 1780s, the Godschalls, who had lost touch with their kin in Flanders, had become intermarried with the family Warner, which had Caribbean plantations (Antigua) and the name Johnson.
The descendants of Sir Thomas Warner (died 1649) the settler of Barbados and later governor of Antigua, and some of their linkages with the Godschall-Johnson family are given in Burke’s Landed Gentry for Bonar of Kimmerghame; Eyre formerly of St John’s Wood; Warner formerly of Framlingham; Thornton of Clapham. The Warner plantations on Antique, inherited by Godschall-Johnson names, were The Folly and Savannah. Newton, Colonising Puritans, p. 27. A Warner descendant, Colonel Ashton Henry Warner, 41st Regt., was governor of Hobart Goal. Joanna Innes, ‘The role of transportation in seventeenth and eighteenth century English penal practice�, pp. 1-24, in Carl Bridge (Ed.), New Perspectives in Australian History. London, Sir Robert Menzies Centre for Australian Studies, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, 1990. Jan Rogozinski, A Brief History of the Caribbean: From the Arawak and the Carib to the Present. New York, Facts on File, c.1992., p. 76. R. B. Sheridan, �Colonial Gentry, Antigua�, p. 346. Newton, Colonising Puritans, p. 27. Brenner, Merchants and Revolution, p. 184.
It seems by then, some family members had become involved in aspects of the slave business, possibly as dealers in slaves to the Caribbean, or, buyers of slaves.
(Godschall Johnson died 1800 a son of John Johnson (died 1775) and Elizabeth Ann Warner became a business associate of John Julius Angerstein in 1793-1794 in the matter of a loan to government. This Godschall Johnson also took the 1785 Lottery and in 1775 on his father’s death inherited estates on Antigua; he married as first wife in 1779, Elizabeth Hodges and then in 1792, Mary Francis.)
From the 1780s, some Godschall-Johnsons lived about the present London borough of Lewisham, and they were on intimate family terms (in terms of god-parentage of various children) with the family of “the father of Lloyd’s of London”, John Julius Angerstein of Greenwich/Blackheath, who was a personal friend of George III), and also the Temple family (See re Viscount Palmerston).
On John Julius Angerstein (1735-1823): D. G. C. Allan, �The Society of Arts and Government, 1754-1800�, Eighteenth Century Studies, Vol. 7, 1973-1974, No. 4, Summer, 1974., pp. 434-452. David Kynaston, The City of London: A World of its Own, 1815-1890. Vol. 1. London, Chatto and Windus, 1994., p. 2 details Angerstein’s career and early commercial connections. Also on Angerstein: The Listener, 24 September, 1987.
Members of the extended family Godschall-Johnson came to Australia in two waves, with the second wave represented by the first clerk of the Queensland Parliament.
NB: I am grateful to Trin Truscett (nee Johnson) of Armidale, Nigel Johnson her cousin (also of Armidale), and John Godschall Johnson of Sydney, all descendants of this far-flung family, Godschall-Johnson, for much of the information given above.
Endnote2: Jamaica: Just one statistic is telling: Dunn records that by the 1970s, the old Jamaica plantation, Worthy Park, produced 7000 tons of sugar per year, more than all Jamaica’s production in 1680. This places much human suffering in bleak perspective – the slaves were used as factors of technology. Today, one plantation cannot possibly produce so much sugar without the use of equipment applying hydraulic pressure to sugar cane. As the American Revolution broke out, Worthy Park grossed �10,000 in sugar and rum sales. In 1969 on Barbados there were eighteen factories and plantations still carrying seventeenth century names. During the 1640-1660 period the Barbados planters switched from tobacco and cotton to sugar, and from using white servants to black slaves.
Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, pp. 48-49; p. 59, p. 78; p. 115 on Colletons; p. 177, Note 36; p. 98. On the Price family, the owners of Worthy Park, see Burke’s Peerage and Baronetage for Price of Trengwainton.
An impression of the family history of London Lord Mayor 1649-1650 Sir, Thomas Foot(e), Bart and his unknown wife
Sir Thomas Foot, Bart (c.1649/1650;d.12 Oct 1687) sp: Miss Notknown
2. Rose Foote, wife1 sp: Sir Arthur Onslow, Bart2, MP
2. heir Mary Foot sp: Sir Arthur Onslow, Bart2 MP
3. MP, Sir Richard Onslow, Bart3, Baron1 Onslow (b.23 Jun 1654;d.13 Dec 1717) sp: Elizabeth Tulse, suicide, (b.1660/1661;d.25 Nov 1718) (Daughter of a London Lord Mayor, see elsewhere) 4. Thomas Onslow, Baron2 Onslow (b.Nov 1679;d.5 Jun 1740) sp: Elizabeth Knight, of Jamaica (m.17 Nov 1708;d.19 Apr 1731) 5. Richard Onslow, Baron3 Onslow, Whig MP (b.1713;d.8 Oct 1776) sp: Mary Elwill (m.16 May 1741;d.20 Apr 1812) 4. Elizabeth Onslow sp: Thomas Middleton, of Essex 5. Mary Middleton, of Essex (d.12 Aug 1766) sp: John Molesworth, Visc2 Molesworth of Swords (b.4 Dec 1679;m.Sep 1718;d.17 Feb 1725/1726) 3. MP, Excise official, Levant trader, Foot Onslow (d.10 May 1710) sp: Susanna Anlaby 4. MP, Rt Hon., Speaker House of Commons, Arthur Onslow (b.1691;d.17 Feb 1768) sp: Anne Bridges 5. Coloniser, George Onslow, Earl1 Onslow, Baron4 Onslow (b.13 Sep 1731;d.17 May 1814) sp: Henrietta Shelley (b.Feb 1730/1731;m.26 Jun 1753;d.27 May 1809) 4. EICo, Lt-General, Gov. Fort William, India, Richard Onslow (b.1697;d.1760) sp: Pooley Notknown 5. MP, Lt-Col. George Onslow (b.1731;d.1792) sp: Jane Thorp sp: Rose Bridges 5. Elizabeth Onslow sp: Rev George Hamilton
2. Sarah Foote sp: Sir John Lewis, Bart of County York (c.1660) 3. Elizabeth Lewis, wife1 (b.1654;d.24 Dec 1688) sp: Theophilus Hastings, Earl7 Huntingdon (b.10 Dec 1650;d.30 May 1701) sp: MP, Denzil Onslow sp: Miss Notknown
2. Rose Foote, wife1
2. Mary heir Foote, wife2
2. Sarah Foote.
Copyright © by Dan Byrnes, Australia, 2002
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